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As Crime Mounts, Mexicans Turn to
Vigilante Justice
MEXICO CITY (By Ioan Grillo, Time)
February 22, 2004
—
Graphic photos of the alleged
thief's corpse were splashed over
the front pages of Mexican tabloids
beneath headlines such as "Dead Rat"
and "Military Justice." The
confessed shooter, retired general
Alejandro Flores, was widely hailed
as a hero for firing at the
30-year-old man who had tried to
force his way into the military
man's Mexico City home. "Of course
he did the right thing," wrote
Felipe Alcocer in one on-line forum
on the incident. "I wish everyone
would act in the same way and get
rid of this anti-social scum."
Given Mexico's widespread breakdown
in security, the praise for Flores'
February 5 act of self-defense is
unsurprising. The conviction rate in
the thousands of murders and
kidnappings afflicting the nation
every year is estimated to be as low
as 5%. Women and children are also
increasingly among those killed by
criminal gangs. And the limits on
the legal system's ability to stem
the tide of violent crime has
produced a growing, shadowy movement
for vigilante justice. In recent
months, at least three new
clandestine groups have promised to
hunt down and murder criminals to
help restore order. As in the
killing of the alleged thief by
Flores, such groups have been
cheered on in public forums. "My
sincerest congratulations to these
brave men with their courage and
determination," wrote a reader of
Mexican newspaper Milenio. "God help
them with their noble cause."
It is too early to say whether these
self-proclaimed avengers will become
a significant force in Mexico's
battle with crime. Some of them may
simply be angry citizens sending out
messages not backed by any action.
Others could be fronts for drug
gangs, who want to present
themselves as public guardians while
running their own criminal rackets.
But whomever is really behind these
particular groups, the growing
demand for justice by any means
necessary raises concerns about the
security situation in Mexico if the
government remains unable to
suppress the crime wave.
The most widely publicized vigilante
campaign has emerged across the
Texas border in Ciudad Juarez, which
has become Mexico's deadliest city
with 1,600 murders last year. A
self-styled Juarez Citizens' Command
sent an e-mail to local media in
January saying it will give the
government until July 5 to restore
order or execute one criminal a day.
Signed by "Comandante Abraham," the
group claims it is financed by local
businessmen, and includes university
students, entrepreneurs and
professionals in its ranks. It
offers to cooperate with military
intelligence and says it supports
the government, but argues elected
politicians have failed.
A second shadowy group, called the
Popular Anti-Drugs Army,
materialized among farming towns in
the southern state of Guerrero in
November. Displaying blankets with
written messages on bridges and
buildings, the group claims to be
made up of family men who have come
to together to force drug dealers
off the street. "We invite the
people to join our struggle and
defend our children who are the
future of Mexico," it said on one of
the blankets. Unlike the Juarez
group, the Guerrero "Army" has been
linked to several killings,
including the decapitation of an
alleged drug dealer in December.
Local press allege the group is
commanded by a rancher whose
children were targeted by the gangs.
Sociologist Rene Jimenez notes
vigilante justice has already become
a reality in several parts of the
country. "The state is failing to
keep control in certain areas so
people take justice into their own
hands," he said. "This vigilantism
shows conflict is entering a new
phase. Violence will breed more
violence."
There are certainly some unfortunate
precedents: Self-proclaimed
anti-gang vigilantes became a key
part of the civil war in Colombia,
where they morphed into paramilitary
armies with thousands of members.
These groups fought leftist
guerrillas and allied with the
government to bring down major drug
traffickers such as the notorious
Pablo Escobar. Many of the
paramilitary leaders later confessed
they had funded their own activities
by dealing drugs, but claimed they
virtually stopped anti-social crime
in areas under their control.
Gustavo Duncan, who authored a book
on the Colombian paramilitaries,
says similar organizations could
emerge in Mexico amid the breakdown
in state authority. "While Mexico
may not ever get as bad as Colombia,
some of the factors are very
similar," Duncan notes. "When the
state cannot keep control in certain
areas, it leaves a vacuum for these
type of organizations to step in and
in many ways they become the state."
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