| |
| |
 |
|
Marching in Morristown, Tenn.
celebrating the Virgin de
Guadalupe, the patron saint of
Hispanic immigrants. |
|
|
Hispanic Immigrants in Slippery
Place in the U.S. Work Force
MORRISTOWN, Tenn. (By J ulia
Preston, NYT) March 21, 2009
— The faithful stand and hold their
hands high, raising a crescendo of
prayer for abundance and grace. In
the evangelical church where they
are gathered, the folding chairs are
filled with immigrants from Latin
America.
Balbino López Hernández, who came
here undocumentedly from Mexico,
closes his eyes to join the
hallelujahs. But after the service
Mr. López, 28, a factory worker who
has been unemployed since last June,
shares his worries about jobs and
immigration raids with other
worshipers.
Like many places across the United
States, this factory town in eastern
Tennessee has been transformed in
the last decade by the arrival of
Hispanic immigrants, many of whom
are in this country undocumented.
Thousands of workers like Mr. López
settled in Morristown, taking the
lowest-paying elbow-grease jobs,
some hazardous, in chicken plants
and furniture factories.
Now, with the economy spiraling
downward and a crackdown continuing
on undocumented immigrants, many of
them are learning how uncertain
their foothold is in the work force
in the United States.
The economic troubles are widening
the gap between undocumented
immigrants and Americans as they
navigate the job market. Many
Americans who lost jobs are turning
for help to the government’s
unemployment safety net, with job
assistance and unemployment
insurance. But immigrants without
legal status, by law, do not have
access to it. Instead, as the
recession deepens, undocumented
immigrants who have settled into
American towns are receding from
community life. They are clinging to
low-wage jobs, often working more
hours for less money, and taking
whatever work they can find, no
matter the conditions.
Despite the mounting pressures, many
of the undocumented immigrants are
resisting leaving the country. After
years of working here, they say,
they have homes and education for
their children, while many no longer
have a stake to return to in their
home countries.
“Most of the things I got are right
here,” Mr. López said in English,
which he taught himself to speak. “I
got my family, my wife, my kids.
Everything is here.”
Americans who are struggling for
jobs move in a different world.
Here, it revolves around the
federally financed,
fluorescent-lighted career center on
Andrew Johnson Highway, a one-stop
market for unemployment insurance
and job retraining.
One worker who frequents the center
is Joe D. Goodson Jr., 46, who was
laid off more than a year ago from
his job at a nearby auto parts
plant. Born and raised in
Morristown, Mr. Goodson said his
savings had run low but his spirits
were holding up, so far.
Through the career center, Mr.
Goodson enrolled in retraining at a
technology college. He believes the
government aid system, though
inefficient and overwhelmed, will
give him just enough support to
survive the economic storm.
“I just try to look on the positive
side always,” Mr. Goodson said.
“Work hard. Things get bad? Work
harder.”
What help there is for undocumented
immigrants in Morristown comes
mainly from churches, like Centro
Cristiano Betel Internacional, where
Mr. López connects with a
word-of-mouth network to find odd
jobs.
Nationwide, Hispanic immigrants,
both legal and undocumented, saw
greater job loss in 2008 than did
Hispanics born in the United States
or black workers, according to the
Pew Hispanic Center. Nearly half of
foreign-born Hispanics are
undocumented immigrants, according
to the center, a nonpartisan
research group in Washington.
Some undocumented immigrants who
lost jobs here, mostly workers with
families back home, have left the
country. Most are determined to
stay. Employers, wary of immigration
agents, now insist workers have
valid Social Security numbers. Mr.
López, who does not have one, said,
“Without the number, you are nothing
in this country.”
Gaining a Foothold
In a paradox of globalization,
immigrant workers moved from Mexico
to Morristown just as many jobs were
migrating from here to Mexico.
The influx here came as Hispanic
immigrants were spreading across the
United States, moving beyond
traditional destinations in
California and the Southwest to take
jobs in the Northern Plains and deep
into the South.
As recently as 2006 and 2007, more
than 300,000 Hispanic immigrants,
legal and undocumented, were joining
the United States labor force each
year, drawn by jobs in meatpacking,
construction and agriculture. They
now make up nearly 8 percent of the
work force.
In Morristown, a manufacturing city
set among Appalachian farmland, the
loss of jobs to Mexico and other
countries with lower wages depressed
local factory pay long before the
immigrants appeared. But while the
poorest American factory workers
watched jobs leave, Americans with
skills found new jobs in plants
making auto parts, plastics and
printing supplies.
The 1960 census did not record a
single immigrant in Hamblen County,
of which Morristown is the seat. By
2007, Hispanic immigrants and their
families made up almost 10 percent
of the county population of 61,829,
having nearly doubled their numbers
since 2000, census data show.
The immigrants started in tomato
fields nearby, but by the late 1990s
labor contractors were bringing
migrant crews into town, to fill
jobs in construction and at
factories like two poultry plants
belonging to Koch Foods, a company
based in Illinois.
The result was a two-tier
blue-collar work force. Hispanic
immigrants — many hired through
temporary staffing agencies that
offered no vacation pay or health
coverage — were on the bottom, in
jobs where they faced little
competition from Americans.
Prof. Chris Baker, a sociologist at
Walters State Community College in
Morristown, said many factories in
the region had been able to hang on
because of the immigrant workers.
“The employers hire Hispanics, and
after that, they leave,” he said.
“It goes from white to black to
Hispanic to — gone.”
Some residents did not take kindly
to the immigrants, especially the
undocumented ones. But their ire was
not about jobs; it was directed at
the school board, for devoting tax
money to an international center to
help Spanish-speaking students learn
English.
In the summer of 2006, one member of
the Hamblen County Commission,
Thomas E. Lowe, organized a
demonstration against undocumented
immigrants in front of City Hall. It
fizzled after the police, fearing
disorder, turned out in a show of
force.
Then the friction abated. The United
Food and Commercial Workers won an
organizing drive at Koch Foods by
gaining the support of immigrants.
Mr. Lowe did not win re-election.
The city chose a mayor, Barbara C.
Barile, who describes herself as “an
inclusive kind of person.” She
created a diversity task force and
proposed an annual immigrant fiesta.
Last December, she sent police
officers to accompany a midnight
procession through downtown honoring
the Virgin of Guadalupe, the Mexican
patroness.
But an immigration crackdown by
state and federal authorities
stirred the waters again.
A few years ago, even undocumented
immigrants in Tennessee could obtain
driver’s licenses, buy cars, open
bank accounts and take out
mortgages. In 2006, the state
canceled a program that authorized
immigrants who were not legal
residents to drive.
Cooperation increased between state
and local police and federal
immigration agents. For undocumented
immigrants, minor traffic stops
could escalate and end in
deportation. After immigration raids
in the region, employers and
temporary agencies started to give
closer scrutiny to identity
documents.
An Immigrant’s Life
One immigrant whose Morristown
welcome ended abruptly was Balbino
López Hernández.
After sneaking across the Arizona
border at 17, he joined a brother
who lived in Morristown. In 2004 he
landed a job at Berkline, a
furniture company known for
reclining chairs whose headquarters
are in town.
Mr. López earned only $8.85 an hour
assembling heavy metal frames for
chairs and sofas. But, like other
immigrants here, he measured the job
against pushing a plow in Mexico. By
that standard, he said, it was a
“blessing.”
At Berkline, seasoned American
employees tended to avoid the
physically demanding position in
which Mr. López was placed, at the
head of an assembly line. Mr. López
loved the job, and before long he
was one of the more productive
workers on the floor. The high
productivity of new immigrant
workers was one reason why employers
like those in Morristown were glad
to hire them, economists said.
Mr. López’s task was to swing metal
bars into place, then use a noisy
drill, over and over, to secure
dozens of screws, nuts and washers.
The bars had sharp edges, and his
arms are covered with scars. Still,
he was content because he set his
own pace.
“Always,” he said, “I go to work and
do my job and come home, to make
myself happy and make them happy
too.”
Though he is not a legal resident,
Mr. López allowed his name and
photograph to be published because
his status is known to immigration
authorities.
The assembly floor operated on an
incentive system: the more frames
Mr. López made, the more he earned.
But his energy put pressure on
others on the line, including some
Americans who were not interested in
doing more work without a raise.
Mr. López, shy and soft-spoken, did
well at work but poorly in love. One
girlfriend, an American, three weeks
after giving birth to his son,
Jacob, left Mr. López to raise the
boy alone. Another took to drugs and
was frequently in trouble with the
police.
His luck changed when he met
Brittany Martin, 18, a tall blonde
with a level head. Last January, he
decided to spruce up his cottage in
preparation for marriage, so he
picked up his speed at Berkline.
“I would get my sandwich and just
eat there, eat and work,” Mr. López
said. “I never stopped for nothing.”
Soon he was producing three times
his weekly quota of chair frames,
sometimes making more than $1,000 a
week, pay stubs show. Some Americans
started to taunt him, calling him
“money man.”
“Why does that Mexican make so much
money?” Mr. López said one worker
asked within earshot.
Not long after, on June 11, a senior
manager summoned Mr. López, saying
Berkline had been alerted that he
might be an undocumented immigrant.
He confessed and was fired.
Mr. López believes someone, perhaps
a co-worker, turned him in. Two days
later, the Morristown police, citing
the false Social Security number he
had presented at Berkline, arrested
him on charges of criminal
impersonation. Although those
charges were soon dismissed for lack
of evidence, the police reported Mr.
López to federal immigration agents.
Dennis Carper, senior vice president
for human resources at Berkline,
confirmed that Mr. López had been
terminated because of his invalid
Social Security number. He said
Berkline did not report Mr. López to
the police.
Mr. López is now fighting
deportation. He and Ms. Martin
married in July and are expecting a
child in May. He was released from
detention to care for his wife and
son, but since he was ordered
deported before the wedding, it is
not certain he will be able to stay.
While his immigration case proceeds,
he remains unauthorized to apply for
a job. He is scrounging for bits of
work, fixing cars and patching
roofs, and praying at Centro Betel.
It is bad, he said, but Mexico would
be worse. “In my country,” he said,
“I’m just going to feed my family
salt and tortillas.”
The Shadows
In some ways, since Mr. López no
longer has to hide, he has
advantages over many immigrants in
Morristown.
Enrique C., 48, and his wife, Rita,
38, both undocumented immigrants
from Mexico, learned how vulnerable
their livelihood here was when both
of them lost their jobs in recent
months. The couple, neither of whom
speaks English, asked that their
full names and photographs not be
published because they feared
detection by immigration
authorities.
During the long nights of winter,
after their sons, 12 and 13,
finished their homework, they turned
off all the lights in the cottage
they own except one bulb and
gathered around a space heater. On
some nights cockroaches emerged,
seeking the heat.
Rita had held night-shift jobs in
sweltering factories and on the
chilly deboning line in a Koch
chicken plant. Since she worked
mainly through temporary agencies,
when the crunch came she was one of
the first to go.
Her husband worked from 2001 until
last August at Hardwoods of
Morristown, a wood-floor maker,
earning $8.75 an hour splitting
planks with a whirring saw. For
years Enrique liked his job, and his
bosses praised him, he said, for
doing the work of two men.
But over time he had run-ins with
supervisors, starting when they
disagreed over the treatment of a
wrist injury.
He complained that splinters tore
his gloves. Bathrooms were filthy,
he said, and the plant posted a rule
limiting when workers could use
them. He took photographs of clogged
toilets and collected bagfuls of
ragged gloves.
After seven years, Enrique, who
admits he can be ornery, lost his
temper one day and insulted the
plant manager. The official
separation notice states that he was
fired for insubordination. Tim
Elliott, a top executive at
Hardwoods, wrote in an e-mail
message that a worker who “refuses
to do a task assigned to him” would
disrupt the teamwork the company
requires.
“They fired me because I started to
make demands,” Enrique said.
Once defiant, Enrique now lives
looking over his shoulder and
avoiding confrontation. Although his
driver’s license has expired, he
drives a carpool with three other
workers for an hour twice a day to a
job he found through a temporary
agency in a furniture factory for $7
an hour.
It is a job he cannot lose. He has a
mortgage to pay, and he is
determined to see his sons go to
college. “We’re going to go along
very quietly,” Enrique said. “We
don’t want to be deported.”
The Americans
At the Five Rivers Regional Career
Center, the cubicles of computers
with free Internet are filled every
day with anxious job-seekers. For
several weeks in January, phones the
state set up to receive applications
for unemployment insurance were
inundated, often giving callers only
busy signals. Career center staff
members did their best to help, but
more than one of them said they had
taken a “cussing ” from a desperate
worker.
For Joe Goodson, however, the
recession is old news. He was laid
off in December 2007, along with 67
other workers, after 17 years at the
Morristown plant of the Lear
Corporation, which makes auto seats.
One day at the career center, Mr.
Goodson, a welder and United
Automobile Workers member, spoke
with pride of his skills. He started
out as a manual welder, but through
retraining he learned how to operate
the metal stamping press he was
running, for $17.80 an hour, when
the layoffs came.
Mr. Goodson said he watched the Lear
work force shrink over the years, as
the company installed robots and
sent manual welding work to a plant
in Mexico. These days, he said,
managers are only “thinking about
self.”
“It’s gone away from the team
thing,” he said.
Four months after being laid off, he
took an offer for retraining at the
Tennessee Technology Center in
Morristown, where he is studying
coils and coolants to become an
air-conditioning technician.
Through the career center, he
collects unemployment insurance and
a gas allowance, and his tuition is
paid by federal Trade Adjustment
Assistance funds, which support
workers laid off when jobs move
overseas. He squeaks by on odd jobs
he does for his parents, both
retired.
“I’ve never seen a car that didn’t
have a seat,” said Mr. Goodson, who
still believes Lear will one day
call him back. If not, he is ready
to put his new skills to use in
another career.
Because of the government support
and retraining, Mr. Goodson is not
considering the low-paying
manufacturing jobs that Morristown’s
immigrants hold.
“I’m not too good to do any job that
another man would do,” Mr. Goodson
said. “But I’ve got many other
skills.”
Other Americans in tougher spots who
visited the career center said those
jobs were their last resort. Donnie
Parker, 45, was laid off in
September from his $14-an-hour job
as a skilled machine mechanic at a
Koch poultry plant.
Because of a bureaucratic issue, Mr.
Parker has not been able to collect
unemployment insurance. After paying
a mortgage for 13 years, he missed
three payments and lost his house in
December. He and his teenage son
moved in with his 72-year-old
mother. He borrowed from his sister
to buy gas to make the trip to the
career center. He traded his new
truck for an older one, then the old
truck’s transmission gave out.
His only defense against the
calamity is a wry laugh.
Like Mr. Goodson, Mr. Parker sees a
narrow path opening before him
through the unemployment system: he
recently received a retraining
grant. With food stamps and his
income tax refund, he might just
make it.
While he is waiting for school to
begin, Mr. Parker is adopting a new
strategy. He decided last week to
apply for a few minimum-wage factory
jobs that were advertised at the
center, after having avoided them
until now.
“I didn’t know it would get this bad
and last this long,” Mr. Parker
said. “Seven dollars is better than
no dollars.”
Even in the recession, he said, it
would not make financial sense for
him to stay for long in that kind of
job. “With my kid, I can’t live on a
minimum-wage job,” Mr. Parker said.
“There is no goal to reach. You’re
pretty much stuck.”
Although Koch has hired more
Americans this year for its poultry
production lines, Mr. Parker is not
thinking of going back there in a
low-end job. “It’s nasty and cold,”
he said.
Hanging On
As the recession worsens here —
unemployment in this region was 11.2
percent in January, compared with
8.5 percent nationwide — Americans
and immigrants are struggling,
separately, to hold on to their
gains. To date, tensions over jobs
have not surfaced.
Melissa B. Reynolds, the coordinator
for the career center, said
Americans worried about receiving
their benefits and getting help
finding new jobs, not about
competition from immigrants.
“We don’t have anyone that has any
beefs with the Hispanic population
that I’ve seen come and go through
here,” Ms. Reynolds said.
If the slump is long, unemployment
benefits run out and the safety net
wears thin, that could change.
Across the country, in an industry
like construction with large numbers
of Hispanic immigrants where job
losses have been especially steep,
the fight for jobs could produce
conflict.
Demetrios G. Papademetriou,
president of the Migration Policy
Institute, a nonpartisan research
center, said that if Americans were
forced to take jobs below their
expectations for too long,
competition — and animus — could
increase.
“American people who are hurting
economically for a long while may
start to identify immigrants as the
cause of that pain,” Mr.
Papademetriou said.
Mr. Parker, though he is hurting,
said he did not look to place blame.
“It’s not Hispanics I’m competing
with,” he said. “It’s everybody. I’m
not angry at no one who’s trying to
find a job and work. They’re doing
the same thing I’m doing.”
|
|
|
|
|