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Janet Napolitano |
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Joe Arpaio |
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Hispanic News Requests U.S.
Attorney General to Investigate
Napolitano Arpaio Quid Pro Quo
PHOENIX (By
Jon
Garrido, The Jon Garrido News
Network) March
9, 2009
—
In 1993,
President Bill Clinton appointed
Janet Napolitano as United States
Attorney for the District of Arizona. As
U.S. Attorney for Arizona, Napolitano
investigated Maricopa County Sheriff Joe
Arpaio on Civil Rights abuses and
criminal investigation of deaths in the
Maricopa County Jail.
On the last day as U.S. Attorney for the
District of Arizona in 1998, Napolitano
held a joint press conference with Joe
Arpaio where Napolitano announced she
was ending the U.S. Attorney Civil
Rights investigation
of Maricopa County Sheriff
Joe Arpaio and Maricopa County
Jail deaths.
It was classic Napolitano, who has
always been more politician than
tough-minded public servant.
The question then and to this day is why
did Napolitano end the investigation of
Joe Arpaio?
The first clue surfaced in the 2002
campaign for Governor of Arizona.
The 2002 Gubernatorial Democratic
Primary
In 2002, Janet Napolitano ran in the
Democratic primary for governor of
Arizona as the former U.S. Attorney
for Arizona and Alfredo Gutierrez
ran on his laurels as a former
president of the Arizona Senate
thinking he did not have to campaign
to win. It was the dumbest political
campaign in recorded history. A
squandered golden opportunity to
elect an Hispanic governor had there
been a Gutierrez political
campaign but there was no campaign. A classic text book
example on how pride looses an
election.
Napolitano overwhelmingly defeated
Gutierrez 2.6 to 1.
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Nominee
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Party
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Popular vote
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Percentage |
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Janet Napolitano |
Democratic |
128,702 |
57% |
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Alfredo Gutierrez
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Democratic |
50,377 |
22% |
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The Gutierrez non campaign handed
the primary election to Napolitano.
With a significant win over her
Democratic challenger, Napolitano
became the Democratic standard
bearer but faced a formidable
Republican candidate in
Matt Salmon. With an overwhelming
Republican registration base, Salmon
should have easily defeated
Napolitano. It was ever scheming
Napolitano who reached back and
pulled the rabbit out of the hat
with the Arpaio endorsement that
Napolitano may have obtained in 1998
in her quid pro quo deal with Arpaio
in dropping all investigations of
Arpaio in her return for Arpaio's
endorsement for governor.
The possible scenario
During the 2002 Arizona
gubernatorial race, Joe Arpaio was the
most powerful Republican in Arizona.
With Napolitano in need of minimizing
the Republican vote to win the Arizona
Governorship, Napolitano prior to her
last day as U.S. Attorney for Arizona
had probably cut a deal with Joe Apraio
obtaining Arpaio's endorsement in 2002
in her planned run for governor in
exchange for dropping the Nordberg death
investigation.
In 2002, Republican Arpaio appeared in a
television ad endorsing Napolitano's
2002 run for governor. Arpaio's
intervention was undoubtedly the
deciding factor in her election.
It was
widely seen the Arpaio endorsement was
quid pro quo for Napolitano's dropping a
criminal investigation of Scott
Norberg's death inside Arpaio's jail.
Republican officials say Arpaio made a
crucial mistake in endorsing Napolitano
when he appeared in the television ad
with Democrat Napolitano in the final
days of the extremely close
gubernatorial campaign.
The last image of the commercial
included a statement in bold red
lettering quoting Arpaio saying: "Join
me in rejecting the attacks against
Janet Napolitano."
A former Democrat who switched to the
Republican party in 1982, Arpaio has
close ties with Napolitano dating back
to her days as the U.S. Attorney in the
mid-1990s. Arpaio's apparent endorsement
of Napolitano late in the gubernatorial
race is widely seen as a payback for
Napolitano's dropping a criminal
investigation of Scott Norberg's death
inside his jail.
In October 1997, then U.S. Attorney
Napolitano settled the federal probe
into Arpaio's jail operations triggered
by the Scott Norberg case without
bringing criminal charges against the
detention officers and others involved
in the June 1, 1996 incident.
On June 1, 1996, Scott Norberg's
death in a restraint chair inside
Maricopa County's Madison Street Jail
remains the watershed event of Arpaio's
tenure as sheriff.
One of Arpaio's top aides says not
only did detention officers handle
Norberg properly, but the calamitous
events of that day actually set a
standard for how sheriff's detention
officers should perform their duties in
the future.
"I think the tone was set under Norberg,"
comments Larry Black, one of Arpaio's
chief deputies.
Norberg died of asphyxia after he was
tackled by 14 detention officers and
strapped into the restraint chair. His
head was then pressed forward against
his chest and a towel was placed over
his face. An autopsy report showed he
sustained numerous contusions and
lacerations to his head, face, neck and
limbs. He had been stun-gunned more than
20 times. There were burn marks up and
down his body.
Norberg's death triggered worldwide
criticism of the sheriff's office.
The London-based human rights group
Amnesty International conducted a review
of the incident and issued a 1997 report
stating: "Although Norberg was
reportedly uncooperative and engaged in
bizarre behavior, his behavior and
initial 'passive resistance' does not
appear to have warranted the extreme
degree of force used, especially as he
already had his hands handcuffed behind
his back and was lying on his stomach on
the ground when dragged by officers from
his cell."
To this day, Arpaio denies any
wrongdoing by his jailers in Norberg's
death. In fact, the sheriff is proud of
how the matter was handled
—
even though the county agreed to pay
$8.25 million to settle the
wrongful-death lawsuit filed by
Norberg's family.
The Napolitano decision to drop the
investigation of Scott Norberg's death
stunned the County Attorney's Office
which earlier had begun its own criminal
investigation into Scott Norberg's
death.
That inquiry was derailed by the actions
of former deputy county attorney Jack
MacIntyre, the County Attorney's Office
says.
MacIntyre ignored Maricopa County
Attorney Romley's orders and provided
legal advice to sheriff's employees who
were named in the Scott Norberg family's
wrongful-death suit.
MacIntyre disputes this account,
claiming he had Romley's permission to
provide the legal advice to the
sheriff's employees.
In either case, MacIntyre's advice in
the civil suit created a conflict of
interest that made it impossible for the
county attorney to pursue criminal
charges against Arpaio's officers.
Soon after Romley's criminal probe was
thwarted, Arpaio rewarded MacIntyre as
his director of intergovernmental
relations for the sheriff's office.
Then, Napolitano, in a joint press
conference with Arpaio on her last day
in office as U.S. Attorney, slammed the
door on any possibility of charges
against jailers involved in Scott
Norberg's killing.
With the Scott Norberg criminal probe
shelved, Arpaio and Napolitano enjoyed
cordial relations after Napolitano was
elected state attorney general in 1998
and through her 2002 campaign for
governor. Her narrow victory over Salmon
left a bitter taste in the mouths of
many members of the GOP.
"Republicans feel we would not have
Governor Napolitano had it not been for
Sheriff Arpaio," says political leader
McGrath.
When Arpaio was asked why he appeared in
the television advertisement supporting
Napolitano just weeks before the
election, Arpaio became noticeably
agitated.
Arpaio claims he did it to "defend a
lady" who had been unfairly attacked by
then-Independent gubernatorial candidate
Richard Mahoney.
"I did not endorse Janet Napolitano," he
insists. "When I endorse somebody, I put
my arms around them in public so
everybody can see I'm endorsing this
person!"
Despite the uproar, Arpaio says he has
no regrets about doing the ad: "I'm
proud of it. I did it. And that's the
way it goes."
Arpaio's claim he did not endorse
Napolitano is dismissed as ridiculous by
Republican leaders.
Immediately after the Napolitano ad
appeared, Matt Salmon called Arpaio and
asked Arpaio to publicly endorse him.
Arpaio refused, leaving Republicans to
draw the only logical conclusion
―
fellow party member Joe Arpaio, then the
most popular politician in the state,
was supporting the Democratic
standard-bearer for governor.
"It's quite evident Arpaio chose sides,"
says Larry Pickard, the Glendale justice
candidate who was a former GOP district
chairman.
Napolitano with Arpaio's endorsement
went on to barely defeat Republican
Matt Salmon in a close 46.19% -
45.22% Arizona vote.
|
Nominee
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Party
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Popular vote
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Percentage |
| |
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Janet Napolitano |
Democratic |
566,284 |
46.19 |
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Matt Salmon
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Republican
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554,465
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45.22
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It
is rumored there was a quid pro quo
between Arpaio with Napolitano putting
her ambition ahead of justice. If true,
this is manipulation, bribery and
conspiracy of an election and it worked
for Democrat Napolitano defeated
Republican Matt Salmon by a slim margin
of
fewer than 11,820 votes (less than 1%).
Without
the Arpaio endorsement, Matt Salmon
would have won the 2002 Arizona
Governors' race and become Governor of
Arizona.
There is no criminal evidence or
even circumstantial evidence for any of
the above but there is a strong
appearance of criminal wrongdoing. The
definition of the legal statute of
Bribery is to obtain a benefit in
exchange for giving a benefit. There
appears there was an direct benefit to
Napolitano dropping
the criminal investigation of Scott
Norberg's death in exchange for
obtaining Arpaio's endorsement for
Governor in 2002.
Napolitano's interaction with Arpaio
influenced the outcome of the election.
Arpaio provided the benefit of his
Republican votes to move Napolitano to
become front runner of the
Democrats. This had the appearance of a
conflict of interest. Why would a
Republican promote a Democrat except to
influence the outcome of an
election? This tampering of the voting
box gave the appearance of wrong
doing.
Napolitano probably misled
voters with unlawful gratuity. There
was certainly a profound implication
of a predisposition between Arpaio
and Napolitano.
Janet Napolitano's embarrassing
history with Sheriff Joe Arpaio.
Napolitano's hands-off policy toward
Sheriff Joe's constabulary antics
continued in her tenure as governor
as Napolitano looked the other way
on police excess when political
calculation demanded it as well as
Napolitano tolerated the
questionable use of local sheriff's
deputies to serve as a roving
immigration patrol. Even as Arpaio
started pulling his deputies away
from local crime investigation to
checking vehicles driven by
Hispanics and making sweeps for
undocumented immigrants, Napolitano
did little to rein in the sheriff
refusing to say anything about the
controversy for months. Napolitano
finally drew his ire by denying
Arpaio a portion of state funding
that was to have been spent on
roundups of suspected undocumented
aliens, instead ordering it be used
to catch felons.
Of course, few governors arrive at
their offices without having made a
few malodorous alliances. And
Arizona is one of the most
conservative states in the United
States, where a tough stance on
immigration is necessary even to get
elected dog catcher. Still, when
presented the opportunity to
challenge a law-enforcement practice
that was splashy and crowd-pleasing
but ultimately cruel and futile,
Napolitano declined.
Here in lies the added benefit to
Arpaio being the deciding factor in
electing Napolitano Governor of
Arizona. In addition to Arpaio
obtaining an end to the Scott
Norberg death investigation, Arpaio
obtained later support in terrifying
the undocumented Hispanic community
by having Governor Napolitano sign
new Arizona legislation authorizing
Sheriff Joe Arapio to arrest
undocumented Hispanics and charge
these Hispanics as co-conspirators
by smuggling themselves into the
United States thus elevating
unlawful entry
into the United States from
a Federal
misdemeanor
into a Arizona felony punishable
by prison sentence instead of
deportation for a misdemeanor.
Policy on
undocumented immigration
In 2005, Arizona passed
a state law
often known as the
Coyote law making
it a felony, punishable
by up to two years in
jail, to smuggle
undocumented immigrants
across the border.
Smuggling undocumented
immigrants was already a
federal crime
but no court had
convicted a smuggled
person as a
co-conspirator,
but Arizona passed its
law, effectively
authorizing local police
to enforce immigration
law, out of frustration
the federal government
had not done enough to
control undocumented
border crossings.
Maricopa County Attorney
Andrew P. Thomas issued
a legal opinion persons
being smuggled can be
considered
co-conspirators to the
smuggling and can be
charged under the same
law. In a court
challenge to this
interpretation, the
law's sponsor said it
was never intended to
target the immigrants
themselves, only the
smugglers. A judge
upheld Thomas's opinion,
saying there was no
evidence legislators
"intended to exclude any
prosecution for
conspiracy to commit
human smuggling."
The result of Napolitano
ending the investigation
of Civil Rights abuses
and wrongful deaths in
the Maricopa County
Jail, Arpaio continues
the mockery of arresting
people with
brown faces who happen
to have a broken tail
light as a pretense for
deporting the
undocumented on the same
day to Mexico.
Arpaio has instructed
his sheriff's deputies
and members of his
civilian posse to arrest
undocumented immigrants.
Arpaio told the
Washington Times, "My
message is clear: if you
come here and I catch
you, you're going
straight to jail.... I'm
not going to turn these
people over to federal
authorities so they can
have a free ride back to
Mexico. I'll give them a
free ride to my jail."
In April 2008, an
editorial in The New
York Times denounced a
proposed expansion of
the local enforcement of
immigration law to all
of Arizona, offering
immigration sweeps by
the Maricopa County
posse as an example of
abuse of the program.
It was also Napolitano
who signed the
E-Verification bill
requiring all working in
Arizona be certified to
have a valid Social
Security card. The loss
of some 350,000 Mexicans
from Arizona's labor
force has had an
devastating economic
impact on the loss of
Arizona sales revenue.
Bribery
Non-statutory sanctions. Bribery,
along with treason, is one of two crimes
for which the United States Constitution
(art. ii, sec. 4) specifically
prescribes impeachment for the
President, Vice-President, and "all
civil officers of the United States."
A more common sanction has been
electoral, although belief a candidate
is a bribe-taker is more apt to act as a
comparative disadvantage than an
absolute disqualification. Lawyers
convicted of bribery are subject to
disbarment. In descending order of
frequency, electoral disadvantage,
forced or prudential resignation,
disbarment, censure, impeachment, and
expulsion have been sanctions for
bribery in high American office. In
enforcing them, the role of the press
has been crucial.
Statutes. Modern statutes, state
and federal, have four common
characteristics. (1) They apply equally
to receivers and givers. (2) They are
comprehensive, including as officials
all employees of government and those
acting in a government capacity, such as
jurors and legislators. More recent
statutes include party officials and
even party employees. (3) They treat
bribery as a crime that can be committed
by the briber even though the bribee is
not influenced. (4) They treat bribery
as a felony.
American statutes differ in some treat a
bribe as any "benefit," thereby
including non-pecuniary favors, whereas
others restrict the term to pecuniary
benefits. Some, such as the New York
Penal Code, permit extortion to be a
defense for the bribe-giver (N.Y. Penal
Law (McKinney) § 200.05 (1999)), but
this defense is disapproved by the Model
Penal Code (§ 240.1). Older statutes use
corruptly to qualify the condemned
giving and receiving, whereas more
recent ones eliminate corruptly and
speak more specifically. An essential
component of modem statutes is an
anti-gratuity provision making it
criminal to confer any benefit on an
official "for or because of any official
act" (18 U.S.C. § 201(c)(1)(A)(1994)).
Excepted, of course, are benefits
provided by law. The provision
eliminates a need to show the benefit
was "to influence" performance. The
giver is guilty if he gave for the act;
the recipient is guilty if he took on
account of the act. Some statutes also
criminalize compensation for a past
official act, obviating difficulty in
proving bribery (Model Penal Code §
240.3). Some statutes also criminally
forbid private employment in a matter on
which, as an official, one had acted,
assimilating such conflicting interest
to a bribe. An example of such a statute
is the Bribery, Graft, and Conflicts of
Interest Act of 1962, as amended, 18
U.S.C. §§ 201–208 (1999)).
Napolitano and Arpaio are not friends of
the Hispanic community
Napolitano
and Arpaio are not friends of the
Phoenix Hispanic community and neither
are any of the persons who endorse or
work for them.
Hispanic News is of the opinion
there was
a quid pro quo between Arpaio with
Napolitano putting her ambition ahead of
justice. If true, this is manipulation,
bribery and conspiracy of an election
and it enabled Democrat Napolitano to
defeat Republican Matt Salmon by a slim
margin of fewer than 11,820 votes
(less than 1%).
Hispanic News now asks the U.S. Attorney
General to investigate
Janet Napolitano and Joe Arpaio on
allegations
the 2002 campaign for Governor of
Arizona was flagrant manipulation,
bribery and conspiracy of an election
similar to
Alberto
Gonzales former U.S. Attorney General
and
Former Sen. Domenici
firing U.S. Attorneys to manipulate the
outcome of the 2006 congressional
elections.
Lastly, If
President Obama turns a deaf ear to the Arpaio/Napolitano
alleged manipulation, bribery and
conspiracy of an election,
then our votes for Barack Obama were
meaningless. This is the message Hispanic
News will take to
Hispanic America so the message
resonates
prior to the 2010 and 2012 elections.
The next step is this article will be
the basis for a letter to the U.S.
Attorney General requesting an
investigation of alleged
Napolitano/Arpaio quid pro quo.
— Jon Garrido, Owner and CEO
The Jon Garrido News Network
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