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Napolitano will not Stop ICE
Raids
WASHINGTON (By Tom Barry, Americas
Program, Center for International
Policy) February 19, 2009 — Homeland
Security Secretary Janet Napolitano
shows few signs of reining in the
immigrant crackdown launched by her
predecessor Michael Chertoff. She
recently called for "more boots on
the ground" along the border and
touted her determination to promote
the "rule of law" in immigration
enforcement.
The "rule of law" framing of
immigration policy copies the
language of the Bush administration
and the agenda of the immigration
restrictionists. The apparent
continuity between the enforcement
agenda of Chertoff and Napolitano
alarms advocates of comprehensive
immigration reform (CIR).
But Napolitano's tough talk on
immigration enforcement reflects key
components of the new messaging of
the leading CIR advocates in
Washington. As the immigration
debate has shifted to the right,
liberal groups like the National
Immigration Forum, America's Voice,
Center for American Progress, NDN,
and National Council of La Raza have
also been calling for an immigration
reform that "secures the border" and
"restores the rule of law."
As a strategy to build center-right
support for comprehensive
immigration reform, including
legalization, the Washington,
DC-based liberal immigration lobby
has advocated the Democratic Party
and all immigrant-rights advocates
adopt a "rule of law" framework that
includes more border security and
employment verification while
placing the onus on immigrants
themselves to "get right with the
law."
The concept behind this strategic
maneuvering is Americans will
support a legalization provision for
undocumented immigrants if the
proposal is couched in tough "rule
of law" language. In other words, by
moving to the right immigration
advocates would be better positioned
to advance a liberal immigration
reform.
Thus far, however, this
pro-immigration strategy of talking
tough to advance CIR has fallen
flat. The Bush administration used
the "rule of law" position on
immigration to rationalize the
immigrant crackdown. The Obama
administration to date has shown few
signs of backing away from the Bush
administration's enforcement-first
regimen. The "rule of law" logic of
border control and immigration
enforcement continues to dominate
the immigration debate in America.
In a February 16 interview with NPR,
Napolitano signaled her intention to
embrace that agenda. "First of all,
the rule of law applies on the
border, and we want to make sure
that happens, No. 1. That means
manpower. That means technology —
things like ground sensors. It means
interior enforcement against those
who intentionally are going into the
undocumented labor market and
creating a demand for undocumented
laborers, so that's all going to
continue. How we do that may change
with me as a new secretary, but we
want to make sure the rule of law is
applied, and it's applied fairly and
forcefully across the border."
Like Chertoff, who frequently
explained the Bush administration's
"enforcement-first" regime as an
effort to "restore integrity" to
immigration law and border control
and thereby create a foundation for
immigration reform, Napolitano sees
enforcement and border control as
laying the groundwork for
immigration reform.
In her January 30 departmental
directive, Napolitano stated:
"Smart, resolute enforcement by the
department can keep Americans safe,
foster legal immigration to America,
protect legitimate commerce, and lay
the groundwork for a more
comprehensive reform."
Napolitano has repeatedly, both as
Arizona governor and DHS secretary,
declared her support for a pathway
to citizenship for undocumented
immigrants. But at the same time she
has also articulated her strong
commitment to enforce immigration
law — as dysfunctional as it might
be. And to secure the border — no
matter its multi-billion dollar cost
and unproven effectiveness in
protecting the homeland.
With respect to border security, she
has adopted militaristic terminology
and a posture that dials up the
enforcement-first rhetoric of her
predecessor. "You've got to have
boots on the ground," says
Napolitano. "You've got to have
technology. You've got to have
interior enforcement of our
workplace laws. Some fencing in some
places may make sense, but only if
it's part of an overall system."
That system has little to do with
protecting the nation from
terrorists, the central mission of
her department, and is all about
cracking down on undocumented
immigrants.
Napolitano places herself on firm
political ground in continuing the
enforcement-first immigration agenda
of the Bush administration. She can
point to language in the Democratic
Party platform and the policy
statements of the Washington, DC
immigrant-rights groups.
Leading up to the adoption of the
party's platform, a coalition of
immigrant-rights, ethnic, and policy
groups came together around a
strategy intended to co-opt the
law-and-order rhetoric of
immigration restrictionists. With
great success, they advocated that
the Democratic Party and all CIR
proponents rally around a "get right
with the law" framework for
immigration reform.
The two groups central to this
strategy were the Center for
American Progress (CAP) and
America's Voice. In typical DC
fashion, they commissioned a poll to
demonstrate the political viability
and wisdom of a new "rule of law"
messaging for comprehensive
immigration reform.
In its report, "Winning the
Immigration Issue: Requiring Legal
Status for Undocumented Immigrants,"
the Democratic Party polling firm
came back with the conclusion that
CAP and America's Voice sought.
Headed by Stan Greenberg of
Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research,
the pollsters recommended that
Democrats and CIR supporters
mobilize around the law-and-order
message.
" We must be tough and smart to get
our immigration system under
control. It is unacceptable to have
12 million people in our country
living outside the legal system. We
must secure the border but we must
also require undocumented immigrants
to register and become legal, pay
their taxes, learn English, and pass
criminal background checks. Those
who have a criminal record or refuse
to register should be sent home."
CAP then sent out a memo, titled
"Groundbreaking Messaging on
Immigration Reform," to Democratic
congressional staffers explaining
the new rule of law positioning on
immigration would protect the party
against right-wing attacks. "As you
know," wrote CAP's Winnie
Stachelberg, "getting the language
right on the issue of immigration is
important in both helping Democratic
members against attacks and laying
the groundwork for future reform."
The same day the polling report was
released a coalition of DC groups
then sent a letter to the Democratic
and Republican Party platform
committees advocating the inclusion
of this new messaging in the
immigration platform of the two
parties. While the letter attacked
Bush administration immigration
policies, it did mark a new
consensus around a rule-of-law
messaging that had been until then
used mainly by restrictionists and
the right-wing.
The Democratic Party platform also
marked a sharp departure from the
usual "pathway to citizenship"
message of the party and its
immigration reform forces. As if
providing a policy mandate to the
next DHS chief, the platform stated:
"We need to secure our borders, and
support additional personnel,
infrastructure, and technology on
the border and at our ports of
entry."
With respect to the "pathway to
citizenship" the party had
previously supported, the platform
propagated the language advanced by
the Center for American Progress,
America's Voice, and others in the
CIR coalition, stating: "We must
require them to come out of the
shadows and get right with the law."
The "rule of law" and "get right
with the law" now reverberates among
the circle of Washington
organizations leading the charge for
a new CIR bill in the Obama
administration. As if to declare
their law-and-order credentials, the
National Immigration Forum,
America's Voice, Center for
Community Change, NDN, and others
routinely insert rule of law
language in all their
communications.
In an article shortly after Obama's
inauguration, Ali Noorani, director
of the National Immigration Forum,
observed Obama realized "reforming
our immigration system includes
encouraging undocumented immigrants
to come out of the shadows and get
into the system and right with the
law."
Napolitano's avid commitment to
secure the border, uphold
immigration law, and generally
promote the "rule of law" in her
position as Homeland Security chief
is an echo of the very language
immigration reform advocates use in
their own statements. In its agenda
for immigration policy, America's
Voice stipulates "Smart and
Professional Law Enforcement" as a
central policy guideline, and calls
for a policy that " restores the
rule of law both to our borders and
our workplaces."
"Restore the Rule of Law and Enhance
Security" was one of the six
principles of the Coalition for
Comprehensive Immigration Reform,
the now-defunct coalition led by the
National Immigration Reform,
National Council of La Raza, and
Center for Community Change.
In their new strategy for liberal
immigration reform, these
immigrant-rights advocates haven't
been entirely clear about their
priorities. While advancing the
tough "rule of law" enforcement and
"get right with the law" language,
they haven't explicitly rejected the
"enforcement-first" approach.
Rather than forthrightly saying it
is impossible to restore the "rule
of law" or promote "smart law
enforcement" when the laws are
inadequate and unjust, they have
incorporated the law-and-order
language to widen their political
reach.
With the hope of winning
center-right support for liberal
immigration reform, America's Voice,
Center for American Progress, and
others have retooled their own
messaging. But in the process they
have lent moral support to the
law-and-order regimen while burying
their message.
What is more, rare was the voice
among the immigration reform
advocates in DC, who are closely
tied to the Democratic Party, that
raised alarm about candidate Obama's
own strong support for border
security, employment verification,
and enforcement of existing
immigration law.
Nor did they outline a logic for
immigration reform that was more
holistic than the simplistic rule of
law framework they embraced as a
central argument for comprehensive
immigration reform. They presented
no vision of a future immigration
policy that would ensure that
immigration flows are sustainable
socially and economically.
It shouldn't be surprising, then,
the Democratic Party leadership,
like the Republicans, have
interpreted the apparent political
consensus around a "rule of law"
immigration and border policy as a
political mandate to continue along
the "enforcement first" path set by
the Bush administration. Napolitano
is doing just that, and it may be
time for liberal immigration reform
advocates to revisit their
opportunistic "rule of law"
messaging and center-right framing
of the immigration crisis.
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