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Why Does U.S. Health Care Cost
So Much? (Part IV: A Primer on
Medicare)
PRINCETON University (By Uwe E.
Reinhardt, NYT December 12, 2008
—
Medicare, the federal
health-insurance program for
America’s elderly, plays a major and
highly controversial role in our
health-care system. To many
Americans it is a blessing. Others
view it as a source of all that’s
wrong with American health care. I
propose to explore these views in
this and the next two posts to this
blog.
Congress established Medicare in
1965, when close to 40 percent of
America’s elderly lived at or below
the federal poverty line. They
simply could not afford the ever
more sophisticated and expensive
health care then starting to come on
line.
The program now covers 45 million
Americans 65 or older, as well as
younger people with permanent
disabilities, among them patients
afflicted with End Stage Renal
Disease. About half of Medicare
beneficiaries live at or below 200
percent of the federal poverty line
(i.e., $20,800 annual income for a
single person and $28,000 for a
couple). Over a third of the
beneficiaries are afflicted with
three or more chronic conditions.
In 2009, Medicare is expected to
cost the federal government about
$480 billion. That represents over a
fifth of total national health
spending on personal health care, 13
percent of the federal budget and
close to 3.5 percent of the
country’s gross domestic product.
These outlays are financed with a
combination of payroll taxes (41
percent), general tax revenues (39
percent), premiums paid by the
elderly (12 percent) and sundry
other sources, including interest
earned on a trust fund established
for the program.
Because Medicare’s benefit package
traditionally has been less generous
than traditional employment-based
private insurance for younger
Americans –- it has covered
prescription drugs only since 2006 —
many beneficiaries have sought
supplemental, wrap-around coverage
from their former employers (about
33 percent) or from a purchase of a
private Medigap policy (about 20
percent). The federal-state Medicaid
program for the poor provides such
gap coverage for some 7 million (or
15.5 percent) Medicare
beneficiaries, called “dual
eligibles.”
Even with such supplemental
coverage, however, out-of-pocket
cost-sharing at the time health care
is received has always been high
relative to employment-based private
insurance for younger Americans. In
2005, the median fraction of income
Medicare beneficiaries spent out of
pocket for their care was 16.1
percent. For the 11 percent of
beneficiaries without supplemental
coverage, out-of-pocket spending can
absorb 30 percent or more of their
income.
Medicare was originally established
as a single-payer, government-run,
fee-for-service plan whose claims by
patients and health care providers
were administered, for a modest fee,
by a select group of private
insurance plans called Medicare
Intermediaries -– typically Blue
Cross plans. This arrangement is now
known as “Traditional FFS Medicare.”
Starting in the 1970s, however,
Medicare beneficiaries have had the
option of enrolling in a variety of
health plans offered by private
insurers. Starting with the Medicare
Modernization Act passed in December
2003, which offered beneficiaries
drug coverage for the first time,
these private insurance options have
been called “Medicare Advantage”
plans. About 23 percent of Medicare
beneficiaries have chosen this
option.
Driven by an ideological preference
for private over government-run
health insurance, the Republican
Congress in 2003 made taxpayers
effectively pay these private plans
an average of 13 percent more per
Medicare beneficiary than these
beneficiaries would have cost
taxpayers under the government-run
program. Consequently, the private
plans can offer beneficiaries
superior benefits, which has caused
enrollment in them to double from
5.3 million to 10.1 million between
2003 and 2008. Because it is hard to
justify this extra public subsidy to
the private plans on the basis of
health policy, however, it has been
highly controversial among health
policy experts and is likely to be
eliminated by the new Congress in
the next few years.
Although often decried by its
critics as “socialized medicine,”
Medicare remains a highly popular
health-insurance product among the
elderly, who rate the quality of
care they receive under it higher
than younger, privately insured
Americans rate their health care
(see, for example, this and also
this, Charts 4:1 to 4:3).
This sentiment is not surprising,
because, from both the patient’s and
the provider’s perspective, claims
processing under Medicare is
relatively simple in comparison with
the complexity of private health
insurance, although Medicare is much
more administratively complex than
are similar government-run,
single-payer health insurance
systems in other countries (e.g.,
Taiwan or Canada).
Furthermore, in surveys of Americans
50 and older, respondents expressed
greater trust in Medicare as a
source of health insurance, possibly
still remembering the late 1990s,
when many private plans terminated
their coverage of Medicare patients.
In the next post, I shall assess the
often-made claim that Medicare is
not much longer “sustainable.”
Thereafter I shall explore whether
Medicare in its current form should
be sustained, even if it were
affordable in that form. In the
meantime, readers who wish more
detail on the program than could be
offered here may wish to consult the
excellent primer on Medicare found
at the Henry J. Kaiser Family
Foundation’s Web site.
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